Archive for the ‘Israel’ Category

Proud to be Palestinian

There is a phrase uttered by Palestinians every day: “next year in Al-Quds (Jerusalem).” But, all of Palestine’s enemies (israel and their savage supporters) seem to be keen on one idea: “we’ll kill you all by then!”

Such Savages!

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  • Israel reports that the shooting and killing of 100 Palestinian protesters was unavoidable because they couldn’t act against Hamas without also harming protesters.
  • It’s the same response Israel has given since the 2007 takeover of Gaza to justify blocking travel, denying outgoing goods, and restricting Palestinian’s caloric intake.
  • The United Nations Human Rights Council voted 29-2 to investigate the shooting at the Israel-Gaza border — Israel rejected it as an anti-Israel bias.
  • By treating all Gaza residents as Hamas, Israel has helped the Hamas regime grow stronger.
  • Hamas gained power in Gaza by handing out food and cash to the poor, hiring the unemployed as public servants, and opening a lucrative trading system with Egypt via tunnels underneath the border.

If it was any other oppressive government committing such atrocities, we would have sanctioned and bombed that government into submission.

Why, then, is the Apartheid state of israel allowed to commit atrocities against Palestinians on a daily basis?

It’s called Ethnic Cleansing, Stupid! It started in 1948 and continues to this day. These savage non-Semite AshkeNazi Jews are evil and their Zionist ideology is parallel to ISIS!

Meanwhile, the Israeli government acknowledges the international law enforcement standard but says its forces will fire live rounds even before a threat to life becomes imminent! 

 

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Around 300 Jewish (ISIS-Like  terrorists) settlers stormed into Al-Aqsa Mosque this past Sunday, May 19, 2018 taking advantage of “Jewish holidays”, amid tight security measures and Palestinian rejection.

The wave of intruders provoked worshipers during the holy month of Ramadan, and almost led to clashes.

Militant Settlers have responded to calls by extremist groups to revive the Jewish celebration of the “giving of the Torah”, and tried to perform prayers in the area, but police forces stopped them, fearing the deterioration of the situation.


At the same time, other groups of terrorist settlers in the markets outside Al-Aqsa, including Al-Qatanin market, staged provocative Talmudic rituals, and gathered in large numbers to pray in the courtyard of Al-Buraq Wall, the Western Wall of Al-Aqsa Mosque.

The prayers came at the invitation of the “organizations of the Temple,” which were strongly involved in the incursions.

Terrorist Jewish Settlers were encouraged to storm into Al-Aqsa and shout Israeli chants, two weeks after an Israeli court ruling allowed settlers to chant “the People of Israel will live” inside the mosque as “this is a patriotic” not religious declaration, according to the Israeli judge.

Settlers’ incursions come in violation of an agreement between Israel and Jordan – the custodians of Islamic holy sites – which defines the number of Jews intending to visit Al-Aqsa Mosque and prevents them from performing any prayers or religious rites.

The agreement is known as the status quo, since the Israeli occupation of the eastern part of Jerusalem in 1967.

However, the incursions continue despite the warning of the Palestinian Authority and Jordan of a significant deterioration in the situation because of the provocation against the Muslims.

 

 

 

 

 

Women on the front line in the deadly “no-man’s land” of Gaza’s “buffer zone”

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“Then the Israeli snipers called me on the speaker, saying, ‘You, the woman with the keffieh, if you approach the fence again we will shoot you in the head’.

In the deadly no-man’s land of Gaza’s buffer zone, a small group of Palestinian protesters hidden by black smoke, braved Israeli sniper fire and reached the perimeter fence. Tearing a piece away they made it back to safety, holding their trophy.

The stunt was remarkable given the deaths of nearly three dozen protesters in recent weeks at the hands of soldiers firing across the border fence.

Since the start of the Great Return March four weeks ago, in which Gaza’s refugees are demanding the right to return to their lands now inside Israel, 32 unarmed protesters, including a child, have been killed by Israel’s sharpshooters ranged on the other side.

But this stunt was all the more remarkable given that those who carried it out were women.

Further up the buffer zone other women stood in front of protesting men, trying to provide cover for them against Israeli fire on Friday. One of the women, Taghreed al Barawi, said they did this because “women are less likely to be shot at than men”, although their sex has not protected the 160 or so women who have also been wounded during the last week of the buffer zone protests.

“Then the Israeli snipers called me on the speaker, saying, ‘You, the woman with the keffieh, if you approach the fence again we will shoot you in the head’. But I am not afraid and next time will burn their flag and raise ours.”

Taghreen al Barawi said she had “this feeling of strange courage” as she got closer to the fence. She also spoke of being inspired by Ahed Tamimi, the 17-year-old West Bank teenager, currently being held in an Israeli jail after she slapped an Israeli soldier outside her home.

Pictures of women in the front line of an Arab uprising are not surprising at first sight – women played a lead role in the Arab Spring, and, as in the case of Ahed Tamimi, are increasingly in the forefront of West Bank protests too.

But in Gaza’s traditional Hamas-run society, as well as living under Israel’s siege, women are also subject to repressive social codes which mean spontaneous public protest

“I would be Ahed if I could,” was a cry heard from many Gaza women after the teenager’s recent sentence was passed. “She is strong, she is beautiful, she is courageous,” said two veiled students, staring adoringly at Ahed’s portrait – wearing jeans, hair uncovered – on a wall outside Gaza’s Islamic University.

Also emblazoned on the wall were portraits of former Palestinian leaders including Yasser Arafat, leader of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, and Ahmed Yassin, founder of Hamas.

It is not, however, only the social taboo which until now has prevented these women from protesting as Ahed did.

Since Israel’s decision in 2005 to withdraw its troops from bases inside Gaza, redeploying to the perimeter with a blockade at sea and control of the skies, it has been even harder for ordinary Palestinians to resist in the way Ahed Tamimi did.

In the days of the old intifada any Palestinian could land a stone on a soldier with no trouble, as the soldiers were in amongst them. “Now we can’t be like Ahed because we can’t even see a soldier, never mind hit them with stones. We never get close enough to kick or punch. If only we could,” a young man complained.

For those in Gaza this inability to see or hit back at the enemy has created a uniquely desperate despair, which has spilled out into the buffer zone protests of recent weeks. Perhaps for this reason, Hamas understood it could not hold back any protester and allowed women to protest too.

As the marches have continued and the death toll has risen, some in Gaza have withdrawn support for the uprising, saying the protesters are simply “committing suicide” by throwing themselves in front of Israel’s bullets.

But others, including many young women, are determined to continue until the climax on 15 May.

“What do we have to lose? We are dying in Gaza under siege. Why not die in the buffer zone protesting instead. At least there’s a chance our message will be heard,” said Intimah Saleh, 27, protesting with her mother who cooks food for those on the front line.

Asked whether she thought the women of Gaza would produce an Ahed Tamimi, she said: “Of course. But we have many Aheds here.”

And asked whether Ahed could be a future Palestinian leader, a group of teenage boys laughed and said: “No. The Israelis will not allow it. Before that happens they’ll make sure she’s shot.”

  • ATW Comment: Palestinians should not care if the “israeli’s allow it!”  Ahed Tamimi would be the best leader in the future! Abbas and his thugs need to drop dead!

‘Erased from Space and Consciousness’ is the product of years of meticulous research to raise awareness of the hundreds of villages Israel destroyed during and following the 1948 war. But is awareness enough to remedy the injustices of the past?

By Tom Pessah

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A youth walks among the rubble of the displaced Palestinian village of Iqrit in northern Israel, April 21, 2014. Iqrit’s original inhabitants were forcibly evacuated in the Nakba of 1948. Though the Israeli high court granted the residents, who are Palestinian citizens of Israel, the right to return to their homes in 1951, the military destroyed the village and has since prevented their return. Only the village’s church and cemetery remained intact, and are still used by village residents while they campaign for a full return.

 

Kadman, Noga: Erased From Space and Consciousness – Israel and the Depopulated Palestinian Villages of 1948. 2015. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. 256 pp.

Noga Kadman’s Erased from Space and Consciousness is one of those rare books that profoundly re-shapes your perspective. Growing up inside the Zionist education system meant that even when I dideventually hear about the “Palestinian narrative,” it seemed distant — not connected directly to my life experiences as an Israeli.

Kadman’s book, a product of visits to the sites of 230 former villages and extensive archival work, traces the points at which the expulsion of 750,000 Palestinians in 1948 was submerged and normalized, until this massive break in the country’s history became almost imperceptible to younger generations of Israelis. Through documenting the points at which these Palestinian experiences were re-coded, the book enabled me to de-familiarize the familiar – to finally notice the ruins and the cacti I regularly passed on bus rides, and to start asking questions about their former inhabitants. As Edward Said notes, “there can be no hope of peace unless the stronger community, the Israeli Jews, acknowledges the most powerful memory for the Palestinians, namely the dispossession of an entire people” (p. 145-6). This acknowledgement can only happenonce we re-read our surroundings and fully perceive what has always been there — in the background.

After a useful forward by Prof. Oren Yiftachel and an in-depth review of the scholarship on the Nakba and its erasure, the book runs through three empirical chapters. The first examines publications from 25 rural Jewish communities that took over the lands of ruined villages, and describes how this transition was narrated there. The second describes in detail two government bodies established following the state’s founding — the Government Names Committee, and the Survey of Israel (the agency responsible for mapping) — both of which determined how the sites of former Palestinian localities would be officially named in Hebrew.

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Palestinian citizens of Israel visit the remains of the village of Lubya in northern Israel, May 6, 2014. Lubya was destroyed in the Nakba, literally “catastrophe”, in which more than 500 Palestinian villages were destroyed before and during the 1948 War.

 

The third chapter discusses signs and publications by the Jewish National Fund (JNF) and the Israel Nature and Parks Authority, which help mold the public’s perceptions of what became nature reserves and holiday resorts, which mask the sites of former villages. Extensive quotes from these sources are accompanied by historical photographs of the sites (new immigrants dancing among the recent ruins), contemporary photographs by the author (ancient cacti still visible among the newer JNF forests), and reproduced illustrations from when the kibbutzim were founded (pioneers marching forward to till the land, with a destroyed house in the background). The appendices include detailed lists of the depopulated villages (but not towns), their location, demographic and topographic features, as well as the communities and parks that were built atop them and the new names they were given.

The process Kadman documents included more than “erasure” or “silencing.” More precisely, the memory of the former Palestinian inhabitants was re-shaped into a form more palatable to Israelis. The mill used by the villagers of Jarisha, inside what is now Tel Aviv’s HaYarkon Park, is attributed to the “Ottoman period” on the JNF website, with no mention whatsoever of the villagers who used to live there (p. 122).

Furthermore the memory of certain villages became synonymous with filth and backwardness: Kibbutz Sasa wrote that “we are mired in the ruins of an Arab village, that even before its destruction we had to run around in it among fleas and dirt” (p. 74). Sometimes the old name remained long after the inhabitants were gone, preserved by informal agents such as Mizrahi immigrant transit camps (whom the Names Committee accused of “distorting the Hebrew face of our state” — p. 103).

In the lexicon of Kabri, one of the many newly-established Jewish community, the entry “orchards in Kabri” describes delicious fruits, without mentioning the residents of the Palestinian village, al-Kabri, who planted the trees (p. 64). The Names Committee listed Moshav Kfar Daniel as “named to commemorate Daniel Frisch, the president of the Zionist Organization of America,” (p. 101) but the name curiously echoes that of the destroyed village that existed on the same site – Daniyal.

Palestinians event in the village of Lifta following Nakba Day 1

Palestinians celebrate during a festival by a natural spring at Lifta, on May 16, 2014 in Jerusalem, Israel. Palestinians came to mark the Nakba day. Lifta was a Palestinian village that was destroyed after the birth of Israeli state.

Moshav Ya’ad provides a somewhat different example, in which elements of the older village were actually re-associated with its original inhabitants. The moshav was built on the lands of Mi’ar in the Lower Galilee in 1974, decades after the village was destroyed. Perhaps this is the reason members of the moshav were willing to work with internally-displaced refugees, who managed to stay inside the State of Israel during the 1948 war and today reside nearby. Together they managed to prevent new construction on the site of the former village, and the ancient cemetery was fenced off and protected. However, the majority of Ya’ad members opposed placing a sign to explain the history of the destroyed village.

Yet even this modest example of cooperation is an exception. At most the first generation of kibbutz members sometimes expressed sorrow for the fate of the inhabitants whose land they took. Their questions (“what gives us the right to reap the fruits of trees we have not planted?” Kibbutz Sasa Passover Haggadah, p. 84) remained unanswered and inconsequential, and were not raised again by the following generations. In moshavim, less committed to a socialist ideology with universal pretensions, these dilemmas were entirely absent.

While Kadman’s research on the renaming of Palestinian locales remains groundbreaking, a decade after she began her study, her conclusions may seem too timid for some readers’ taste. During this period, Zochrot, the central Israeli organization trying to raise awareness of the Nakba among the Israeli public, shifted its emphasis from memorialization of the Palestinian catastrophe to actively reversing its results. Zochrot now explicitly calls for the return of refugees to the lands they were expelled from, so that they can live alongside the present Israeli inhabitants. Kadman is doubtlessly right to stress “the importance of memory,” and to document efforts to bring this memory to the consciousness of Israelis, but many Palestinians would argue that memory alone is not enough and cannot replace meaningful efforts to reverse the expulsion of 1948.

Nevertheless there is no doubt that exposing the memory of the former Palestinian locales and the attempts to cover it up is a crucial first step towards reconciliation. Kadman has provided us with a valuable tool for reconfiguring our own consciousness and perceiving the everyday traces of some 85 percent of the Palestinian population of what became the State of Israel – those who remain, to this day, “erased from space and consciousness.”

Tom Pessah is a sociologist and activist, currently studying at Tel Aviv University.

Source: http://972mag.com/how-we-learned-to-forget-the-villages-we-destroyed/122370/

 

Nice/Munich terror suspect Einat Wilf linked to false-flag-loving WINEP

They aren’t even trying to hide it any more

Nice/Munich terror suspect Wilf works with Patrick Clawson, who openly calls for murderous false flag attacks

By Kevin Barrett, Veterans Today Editor

What kind of a world are we living in when false flag terrorists, drunk on chutzpah, don’t even bother to wipe their fingerprints off the murder weapons…and openly brag about their love of false flags, publicly calling for more of them?

As I have been reporting over the past few days, high-ranking Israeli operator Einat Wilf’s husband, Richard Gutjahr—who flagrantly vaunted his foreknowledge of the Nice truck attack by filming the truck at the perfect moment just before it started mowing people down—was also caught on location filming the shopping mall attack in Munich.

Mossad photographer Richard Gutjahr was pre-positioned in both Nice AND Munich! Talk about chutzpah...

When I reported Gutjahr’s self-incriminating Munich tweets (and the use of his photo in an RT piece on Munich) those tweets, and the photo at RT, suddenly were taken down within an hour of when my story appeared. Even such shameless chutzpah apparently has its limits.

Now we learn that Gutjahr’s wife/case officer Einat Wilf is the “Baye Foundation Adjunct Fellow” at a brazenly pro-false-flag-terror think tank, the Washington Institute of Near East Policy (WINEP). That’s also the home of Richard “Prince of Darkness” Perle, Edward “Zionist Coup d’Etat: A Practical Handbook” Luttwak, Henry “Almost 9/11 Commission Czar” Kissinger, Condoleeza “Who Could Have Imagined” Rice, and other key 9/11 suspects.

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Israeli scum “settlers” take over a Palestinian building in the occupied West Bank. Mamoun WazwazAPA images

Steal my land, kick me out and yet I will protect you, you scum Ashkenazi terrorist!

On Monday Augus 10, 2015, the US government requested that a New York court “reduce” the bond the PA is required to post while it appeals against a ruling that found it liable for a series of attacks between 2002 and 2004 in Jerusalem and present-day Israel.

One of the reasons cited for supporting the PA is that the US regards it as playing an important role in protecting Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank.

Read more here

The best comment to the above was:

And who is protecting Palestinians? How much in $$ is the US to allocate
to Palestine’s government for security against any and all encroachments
by Israel (and US)?

In fact, the settler’s must go, now or later. I would support US “aid” to Israel (coordinated with Palestine) for their immediate evacuation.

Should they so desire, they could apply to Palestine for housing in competition with the thousands of Palestinians who have been forced to live in camps for decades after coerced dispossession (by force) by Israel. That indeed would be money well-spent.

Any other US policy in support of settlements or in support of PA doing the dirty work (“stability”???) makes the US complicit in Israeli extermination policy. Of course, such policies guarantee war, death, destruction, oppression of Palestinians.

It seems the US has frequently enjoyed participation in brutal oppressions. This is not “news”!

Peter Loeb, Boston, MA, USA

Until there are none left.

—-Peter Loeb, Boston, MA, USA

Now imagine the Allies asking Jews during the Holocaust to be “more tolerant” of Nazis!

Makes perfect sense! Always blame the victims!